By Thomas W. Zeiler, Daniel M. DuBois
A better half to international warfare II brings jointly a sequence of clean educational views on international warfare II, exploring the various cultural, social, and political contexts of the conflict. Essay issues variety from American anti-Semitism to the reports of French-African infantrymen, offering approximately 60 new contributions to the style prepared throughout entire volumes.
- A number of unique historiographic essays that come with state of the art research
- Analyzes the jobs of impartial international locations through the war
- Examines the conflict from the ground up throughout the stories of other social classes
- Covers the reasons, key battles, and effects of the war
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Extra resources for A Companion to World War II
It was the fourth war against the United States which called for new weapons. It, too, was a weak country – the converse of belief in the stab-in-the-back legend was that America’s military role in World War I had made no difference – but the country was distant and had a large navy. If, for the war with France, one needed tanks and single-engine dive-bombers and for the war with England a substantial navy and two-engine dive-bombers, war with the United States implied an intercontinental bomber and super-battleships.
In practice, however, this made little difference. The Soviet Union was in the throes of collectivization of agriculture and the first five-year plan, and hence in no position for an active foreign policy. On the contrary, Stalin made periodic efforts to make an arrangement with Nazi Germany – which were ignored by Berlin – and did what he could to appease the Japanese in the Far East. Once famine and industrialization had simultaneously reduced the rural population and shifted many of the survivors into new industries, Stalin ordered a massive purge of the military, administrative, and economic leadership, thereby weakening the country internally and reducing its already limited attractiveness as any state’s prospective ally (Weinberg 2010, ch.
The first arose mainly from Great Britain and the United States. It was based on the idea that Germany – an economic engine – was likely to be too weakened to conduct its own future that an economic recovery of Europe would be impossible. The second type of criticism, which especially took into account the French’ needs for security, concluded that the treaty left Germany as an intact and, thus, still dangerous power. According to this view, peace could only endure with extreme difficulty. From the start, Marshal Ferdinand Foch spoke of a twenty-years peace, and a few years after him, Édouard Herriot, the President of the Parti radical, envisaged a new war with Germany within fifteen years.